THE BATTLE OF BRITAIN
"Battle of Britain - The Movie", by Robert J.
Rudhall, book excerpt #15
All text by the late Robert J. Rudhall, circa 2000
Just How Historically Accurate Was Battle of Britain?
Given that Battle of Britain deals with an historical subject, to
ensure that
our study of the film is complete we need to examine just how good, or
otherwise, was the end result. Well-known Battle of Britain historian
and author Dilip Sarkar, whose works include the renowned Bader's
Duxford Fighters: The
Big Wing Controversy (see Bibliography), gives his view and reports on
one
particular scene which by many would be considered comparatively
insignificant,
to those 'in the know' crucial.
Whenever the historical accuracy of Battle of Britain is mooted it is vital to
remember that the intention was not to produce a documentary but an epic film.
Given the limitations imposed by time and resources, not to mention the
constraints of the available budget, I believe that the job was ultimately well
done. The events of 1940 are, I have discovered, too great for the study of just
one lifetime, so the challenge of encapsulating the essential elements of our
Finest Hour in just over an hour was immense. When considering the film's
overall impression, let us not worry about the technical trivia, such as uniform
and aircraft related minutiae. The question is whether or not Battle of Britain
conveys the urgency of the hour?
Even as an eight-year old schoolboy who watched the opening night at Worcester's
Odeon, I was left in no doubt that the whole British way of life, and much more
besides, hung in the balance that dramatic summer. In the event of the battle
having been lost by Fighter Command, Britain's fate would clearly have been that
of France, as emphasized by the film's first few minutes.
Since first watching the film 30 years ago, I have virtually dedicated my life
to researching the summer of 1940, largely through primary sources. Over the
years, as a part of this process, I have asked a number of the Few for their
opinion of Battle of Britain. Overall, they too feel that the film was both
worthwhile and as accurate as the relevant limitations allowed. Air Marshal Sir
Denis Crowley-Milling, however, who had flown with Squadron Leader Douglas
Bader's 242 Squadron during the Battle of Britain, emphasized that one
particular historic scene in Battle of Britain did not actually take place. This
was the meeting between Air Chief Marshal Dowding and the Air Officers
Commanding Nos 11 & 12 Groups, Air Vice-Marshals Keith Park and Trafford
Leigh-Mallory. The significance of this brief encounter between these three men
could easily be either overlooked or completely lost on the casual viewer,
however. There are reasons why the scene was, in fact, crucial and this I will
try to explain.
Although this is not the forum for a detailed examination of Air Chief-Marshal
Dowding's System of Air Defence, the reader must be aware of certain facts. The
country, for example, was divided into Fighter Groups, each with its own
specific area of responsibility. Air Vice-Marshal Park's No 11 Group covered
London and the southeast, and therefore bore the brunt of the battle, whilst Air
Vice-Marshal Leigh-Mallory's 12 Group covered the industrial Midlands.
Nevertheless, in the event of Air Vice-Marshal Park calling for assistance, the
'System' provided that the adjacent Groups, being 10 and 12, would respond.
The System, it must be remembered, was created before the war by the genius Air
Chief Marshal Dowding together with his Senior Air Staff Officer (SASO), none
other than (the then) Air Commodore Park. The pair had both seen combat as
fighter pilots and leaders in the Great War and this experience, coupled with
Dowding's technical ability which harnessed radar into his far-sighted System,
marked them as outstanding amongst even the most experienced fighter leaders in
the world.
By 1940, Park was commanding No II Group and his previous experiences prove
beyond doubt that he, like Dowding, was the right man for the right job "at the
right time. Air Vice-Marshal Leigh-Mallory, however, was a former Army
Co-operation Pilot with, incredibly, no fighter experience whatsoever. This
deficiency would not stop him, however, challenging the conduct of the Battle of
Britain by the awesome Dowding and Park. In a nutshell, Park's tactics, in
accordance with the System, were to intercept the enemy by way of penny-packet
formations of Hurricanes and Spitfires which harried the raiders
all the way to the target and out again.
The ambitious Leigh-Mallory, however, was undoubtedly frustrated by the fact
that, due to the geography involved, his 12 Group was being forced to play
second fiddle to Park's. Leigh-Mallory had, in fact, achieved the rank of Air
Vice-Marshal before Park and therefore considered himself the senior of the two,
this making even more unbearable the fact that Park was in the limelight. Many
of 12 Group's pilots were frustrated at their inactivity, on the sidelines,
whilst their comrades in 11 Group were being so hard pressed. Amongst
Leigh-Mallory's pilots was Acting Squadron Leader Douglas Bader, already a
legend in the RAF A gifted sportsman and pre-war service pilot, Bader had lost
his legs as the result of an accident occurring during unauthorised low-level
aerobatics. Although he mastered his artificial legs, King's Regulations did not
cater for disabled pilots and so, in 1933, Bader left the service. The outbreak
ofWW2, however, was his salvation and he was accepted back into the RAF on
flying duties. By February 1940 he was a Flying Officer on 19 Squadron,
commanded by Cranwell friend and contemporary Geoffrey Stephens. Despite having
damaged a Spitfire in unforgivable circumstances, in April he was promoted to
Acting Flight Lieutenant and given command of 222 Squadron's 'A' Flight (the
Squadron's Commanding Officer, Squadron Leader 'Tubby' Mermagen, having been a
rugby and aerobatics contemporary). After Dunkirk, and yet another crash, the
newsworthy and charismatic young Bader was promoted to Acting Squadron Leader
and given command of the (largely Canadian) 242 Squadron. Demoralized after the
Fall of France, 242 required strong leadership. Bader gave the Squadron just
that, declaring it operational on July 9th, 1940, just one day before the Battle
of Britain commenced.
During August 1940, the Luftwaffe pounded Fighter Command's Sector Stations and
other airfields in southern England. On the afternoon of August 30th, a large
formation of enemy aircraft crossed the coast north of the Thames. Anticipating
attacks on the airfields in that area, such as North Weald, Debden and
Hornchurch, the 11 Group Controller quite rightly and in accordance with the
System, requested assistance from 12 Group. Consequently 242 Squadron . was
scrambled from Duxford. The enemy formation soon split in two, I/KG 1 heading
for the Vauxhall Motor Works and aerodrome at Luton, whilst II/KG53 struck out
for the Handley Page aircraft factory at Radlett. Already the raiders were being
harried by a number of 11 Group squadrons.
Squadron Leader Bader was vectored and led 242 Squadron into the attack. This
was, it must be remembered, the first time that 242 Squadron had encountered a
Valhalla; to the 11 Group squadrons concerned, Nos 1,501 and 222, it was just
another day. Back at Duxford, 242 Squadron claimed the singlehanded destruction
of various Me 110s and He 111s, the pilots' combat reports making no mention of
other RAF fighters, the presence of which, it can only be assumed, they were
oblivious to in the heat of the moment. Squadron Leader Pemberton, the
Commanding Officer of No 1 Squadron, reported attacking an Me 110 'in company
with a Hurricane of "LE" squadron', 'LE' being the code letters of 242 Squadron.
Air Vice-Marshal Leigh-Mallory nevertheless accepted 242 Squadron's claims
without question and proclaimed an overwhelming victory, for no loss, by 12
Group. In reality, just nine enemy aircraft had been destroyed by some 50 RAF
fighters, as opposed to just 242 Squadron as 12 Group believed.
This interception convinced Squadron Leader Bader, whose current operational
experience and understanding of the System was clearly minimal, that the way
forward for 12 Group was arriving over the combat area en masse. With himself at
the head of several fighter squadrons, he firmly believed that his formation
could then execute far greater damage to the enemy than the prevalent
pennypacket forces. It also provided a long-awaited opportunity for himself and
12 Group to playa much more significant part in the Battle of Britain. The
forceful and charismatic Bader had no problems convincing his Station Commander,
Wing Commander 'Woody' Woodhall and the former Army Co-operation pilot Air
Vice-Marshal Leigh-Mallory, that these tactics were right. An analysis of August
30th, however, proves conclusively that this theory was flawed from the outset.
Subsequently 12 Group began assembling up to five fighter squadrons in the
Duxford Sector, these being led off south by Squadron Leader Bader in the event
of a scramble. The System demanded that when 11 Group called for assistance, 12
Group's intended role was to patrol above and protect 11 Group's airfields. This
was not what either Leigh-Mallory or Bader wanted, however.
Over the years, and indeed in the scene from Battle of Britain in question (as
we shall see), criticism of the 12 Group Wing tactics have been that as so many
fighters took so long to form up, they invariable arrived over the combat area
too late. This is, in fact, not true, as there was no forming up process.
Squadron Leader Bader merely took off and headed south whilst the other pilots
followed in his wake. The crux of the matter was this: although the 11 Group
controller, having called for assistance, had every right to expect 12 Group to
undertake its intended role, on numerous occasions the Duxford squadrons were
not, in fact, where they were supposed to be. Instead the 'Big Wing' was over
Kent, to all intents and purposes on a free-lance fighter sweep. As a result of
12 Group deliberately not complying to the System, Debden, for example, was
heavily bombed. No wonder, therefore, Air Vice-Marshal Park and his Controllers
took exception to the behaviour of 12 Group.
The evidence conclusively proves that the more fighters there are involved in
combat, the less accurate are pilots' combat claims. The reason for this is
quite simply that the speed of combat deceives the human eye given that several
fighters could attack the same enemy aircraft actually oblivious to each other's
presence. That downed German would, therefore, be claimed several fold thus
providing a distorted picture. No attempt appears to have been made at the time
by 12 Group to cross-reference these claims against actual German crash sites in
southern England. After every Wing action, many combat successes were claimed,
these being accepted wholeheartedly by Air Vice-Marshal Leigh-Mallory who took
this as confirmation that 12 Group had got it right. Of course the claims made
by 11 Group squadrons, engaging in smaller numbers, were far less but again the
evidence conclusively proves that, due to 12 Group's massive over claiming
factor, it was actually 11 Group that shot down more Germans.
The ambitious and influential Leigh-Mallory obtained support from friends in
high places, including both other officers of Air rank and senior politicians.
242 Squadron's adjutant was an MP, in fact, who spoke to the Prime Minister
personally. Dowding and Park, on the other hand, were professional fighter
leaders, not politicians. Whilst creating the System, to which Dowding was so
dedicated, he had made enemies at Whitehall. In fact, certain antagonisms with
various personalities in the Leigh-Mallory camp went back to the Great War. As
Dowding and Park were fighting and winning the Battle of Britain, it is tragic
that others sought to oppose and discredit them based upon a poor appreciation
and flawed analysis of the events, combats and tactics brought into question.
Given that during the summer of 1940 both Dowding and Park had busied themselves
not with advancing themselves but saving this country in its hour of need, by
the time both realized the danger it was too late. On October 17th, a meeting of
the Air Staff took place at the Air Ministry, the purpose of which, it became
obvious to Dowding and Park, was to push through the use of Wing tactics as
standard operating procedure.
Although Park was not invited to bring one of his pilots to provide a first-hand
operational view, Leigh-Mallory produced Squadron Leader Douglas Bader, at whom
Dowding 'looked most sternly', as well he might. The dice was loaded from the
outset against Dowding and Park. Typically, Dowding had actually placed little
importance on the meeting beforehand. He felt that the Germans' tactics had
changed so much that any thought of using massed fighter formations was, from a
defensive viewpoint, 'out of the question'. To Dowding the Air Staff was not
looking ahead, as the meeting claimed, but to the past. It rapidly dawned upon
both Dowding and Park that this was a post-mortem of Fighter Command tactics and
that they were both being called to account. The Commander-in-Chief then
realized his one grave mistake, this being crucial to the scene under debate,
that being that he had 'made a mistake in allowing my Group Commanders so much
liberty in running their Groups in their own way' . Of the two Group commanders
he later said: I
was entirely on Park's side without, up to that time, having to say much. There
was no need for me to say it. He was carrying out his assigned task, and there
was no need for any comment from me. But I had come by then to realize that
Leigh-Mallory was not conducting the affairs of his Group in the way that I
expected of him. I did not want to say "you mustn't do this, you mustn't do
that". I expected more of my Group Commanders. And that was why, by mid-October,
I had come to realize that I would have to do something about what was going on
and get rid of Leigh-Mallory.
Unfortunately by the time Dowding was able to turn his mind away from the
Germans and take stock of enemies closer to home, it was too late.
The tactical row continued beyond the 'Meeting of Infamy' and well into the
winter of 1940. Dowding now realized the extent of subordination by
Leigh-Mallory, Woodhall and Bader, but, having to busy himself with the raging
night blitz, the damage had already been done. So it was that the two great
architects of victory in the Battle of Britain were not given high honours but
saw Dowding given 24 hours to clear his desk and Park sent to Training Command.
Those who had orchestrated their downfall were quick to fill their positions
(but never their shoes): Sholto-Douglas, the Deputy Chief of the Air Staff,
Leigh-Mallory supporter and enemy of Park, became Fighter Command's
Commander-in-Chief. Leigh-Mallory took Park's 11 Group. Later, in the final
insult, Leigh-Mallory succeeded Douglas as Commander-in-Chief.
The fact of the matter in 1940 was that massed fighter formations were not
flexible enough for defence, and, in fact, simple calculations concerning time
over distance easily proves that they were inappropriate so far as the Battle of
Britain was concerned. At an exercise held after the Battle of Britain, the Big
Wings failed miserably in the defensive role. The Wing's time would come - as
already envisaged by the brilliant Dowding and Park who had used such formations
over Dunkirk - in an offensive role from 1941 onwards.
Aware now of these background circumstances, the reader can begin to appreciate
why Air Marshal Crowley-Milling placed such emphasis on the scene in question.
Not surprisingly both Dowding and Park were concerned about the making of
Battle of Britain. The Auckland Times reported that the New Zealander
Air Chief Marshal Park (as was his retired rank) had charged that the film would
cover up 'a dirty little wartime intrigue'. Despite Air Ministry apologists, and
certain academic historians in recent times, seeking to provide a justifiable
rationale for the disgraceful treatment of Dowding and Park, the Air Chief
Marshal's statement continued: -
There was a dirty little intrigue going on behind the scenes among the Air
Ministry staff and the Group immediately to the rear of No 11. As a result of
this intrigue, just after the Battle of Britain was won, the Air Ministry sacked
Dowding and I was sent off to Training Command.
Naturally in 1968 this was an international story boosted by the fact that Rex
Harrison suddenly dropped out of playing the role of Keith Park (although soon
replaced by Trevor Howard). The producers of Battle of Britain
consequently sought to enlist the aid of Lord Dowding himself to reassure Air
Chief Marshal Park. Lord Dowding was brought to Pinewood Studios where he met
some of the cast and saw at least two scenes, including that under question,
being filmed.
Let us now revisit those few minutes of Battle of Britain: -
Int. DOWDING'S office. Bentley Priory. Night.
LEIGH-MALLORY and PARK face DOWDING across his desk, which is heavy with files.
LEIGH-MALLORY is a squarely built, ambitious and forceful man, the advocate of
offensive tactics. Now he is controlled and sure of himself. PARK is trying to
appear unruffled.
LEIGH-MALLORY (to DOWDING)
We were up, sir. Trying to knock the enemy out en masse. But it takes
time to assemble forty or fifty aircraft at fifteen thousand feet.
PARK
And by the time the Big Wing's up there, its too late. The enemy have hit their
targets and are on their way home.
DOWDING, from over his spectacles, regards his warring commanders reserving
judgment, keeping his own counsel, though his sympathies are with PARK.
LEIGH-MALLORY (with certainty)
Does it matter where they're shot down so long as they're shot down in large
numbers?
PARK
The targets are my airfields!
LEIGH-MALLORY
I'd rather destroy fifty after they've hit their targets than 10 before.
PARK
But you're not getting fifty. You're not even getting ten!
DOWDING
Gentlemen, you are missing the essential truth. The limit of our endurance
is in sight.. .. We're short of200 pilots. Those we have are tired and strained,
and all due for relief.
DOWDING
We're fighting for survival. And losing. We don't need a Big Wing or a Small
Wing. We need pilots ....
In the distance we can hear the sirens starting to wail.
DOWDING
.... And a miracle ....
(Pause)
Goodnight, gentlemen.
DOWDING turns to his files, as if the two commanders were already no longer
present.
When the scene was complete Lord Dowding remained silent. What, I wonder, was he
thinking?
We know now that in reality the meeting never took place, and that for the
film's purposes it was necessary to compress certain events. In fairness to the
producers, it was surely a brave step to even attempt to tackle such a complex
and emotive subject as the Big Wing Controversy. By Lord Dowding's own
admission, he should not have given his Group commanders so much authority. Had
he kept a tighter rein then the situation may not have degenerated to the extent
that it did. Unfortunately for Dowding he trusted his Group commanders to do
what was expected of them, this blind faith being totally justified in the case
of Park but not Leigh-Mallory. By the time he was aware of Leigh-Mallory's
scheming against him, it was too late. It is doubtful, therefore, whether it
would ever have occurred to Dowding during the Battle of Britain to get these
two Group commanders together as portrayed in the film. In fact he never did.
The only time the threesome came into face-to-face contact over this tactical
issue was at the Air Staff's meeting of October 17th. Had Dowding acted sooner
and kept the matter within Fighter Command, the outcome for both Park and
himself could have been very different.
Nevertheless, his Lordship was reassured following his visit to Pinewood, after
which he wrote to Air Chief Marshal Park:
MY DEAR PARK,
I have heard from indirect sources that you are
apprehensive as to the way in which you will be treated by the great film which
is being shot on the Battle of Britain at present.
However as matters stand I hope that I can relieve you
of any apprehensions as to the treatment you will receive at the hands of the
film company. They have invited me to be present on several occasions, on their
working days, and I have had the opportunity of ensuring that you will receive
sympathetic treatment at their hands. Amongst other things I have had a talk
with the actor who is going to play your part, and, although I feel sure that he
would not have allowed himself to be biased in any way in his rendering of your
conduct and your character, I feel sure that after what I have told him, his
treatment will be actively sympathetic.
I do wish that you were in England, as I feel sure that
you would be invited to attend the shooting of some of the episodes and that you
would be satisfied with the result.
Your sincere
friend, DOWDING
It was perhaps a stroke of genius by the producers of Battle of Britain that
when the media was invited to a press call featuring Lord Dowding and a number
of the Few, it was Group Captain Douglas Bader who pushed the old man's
wheelchair. So far as Battle of Britain is concerned, Dowding and Park are
undoubtedly the heroes and victors of our Finest Hour. Hopefully this went a
little way towards providing the long overdue public recognition due to both of
these remarkable men.
Although of far less importance, I would make just one other point regarding the
accuracy of Battle of Britain. The Battle of Britain lasted for 16 weeks,
from July 10th - October 31st, 1940. During that time it progressed through
several distinct phases of enemy attacks. By September 30th, however, the
Luftwaffe was unable to any further sustain such heavy losses to its bombers by
day. As a result the emphasis was switched to night attacks, although fast Ju
88s, albeit in no more than Gruppe (Wing) strength and heavily escorted by
fighters, continued to attack by day targets connected with the aircraft
industry. With the onset of autumn proper even these attacks petered out.
Nevertheless, German fighters continued undertaking Freie Jagd ('Free Hunting'
fighter sweeps) over southern England. By this time at least one Staffel
(squadron) in every Jagdgeschwader (Fighter Group) was designated a Jabo or
fighter-bomber unit. These bomb carrying Me 109s were integrated into the
overall enemy formation which could not, therefore, be ignored. Today, many RAF
fighter pilots remember this as the most exhausting phase as they had to provide
constant standing patrols from dawn to dusk. These clashes between the opposing
fighter forces continued, in fact, into February 1941. The Battle of Britain did
not, therefore, suddenly end with little or no enemy air activity, which is the
impression given by the film's closing scenes. Far from it, but again how else
could victory - for that is what it was - be emphasized?
Today, incredible though it sounds, there is a large percentage of our
population that has either never heard of the Battle of Britain proper or has no
true perception of what it was all about. These people have no idea of what was
at stake that fateful summer or, consequently, the immeasurable debt that we
will always owe the Few. The occasional television screening of Battle of
Britain today is, therefore, important for far greater a purpose than was
intended. Although a better film could perhaps be made today, given the
excellence of available computerized technology and even more up-to-date
research, overall the 30-year old Battle of Britain continues to do the
cause great service.
© Dilip Sarkar, 1999
- END-
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